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Sidney Rigdon,
The Real Founder of Mormonism



Oliver Cowdery (1806-1850)

by:

William H. Whitsitt

BOOK  THE  FOURTH:
THE  MORMON  PERIOD: Nov. 8, 1830 -- Sep. 8, 1844
(Part C: Sections V and VI, pp. 776-973)



Contents  |  Book   I  |  Book  II  |  Book  III  |  Book  IV   1   2   3   4   5   6   7   8   9  |  Book V

 


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SECTION V:
FIRST  MISSOURI  WAR.


Chapter I:  Causes of the War.

The theocracy enacted the first of its more serious encounters with the civil government in the state of Missouri, and the demonstration was there duly delivered that it was impossible for the two to live at peace. The immediate occasion of the friction that resulted in that conflict was the anniversary celebration that occured at the fork of the Big Blue River on the 6th of April 1833, where Newel Knight concedes that "the Saints felt their privilege and enjoyed themselves" (Scraps of Biography, p. 75). Public sentiment was not warm enough to enable the party of the citizens to adopt a policy of converted opposition at the meeting they held at Independence during the same month of April 1833 (Mackay, p. 74). But after the adjournment of that meetingdiscontent was more or less apparent during the month of May. On the plea that the land was their own and the fulness thereof it is affirmed that some of the Mormons had adopted practices that procured for them the reputation of pilferers (Caswell, p. 142).

It has been already shown how in the month of June 1832 (Handbook of References, Salt Lake, 18[81] p. 42) a monthly periodical, entitled the "Evening and Morning Star" had been started at Independence, by Mr. W.W. Phelps. The same gentleman also had the honor of commencing another journal of a weekly issue entitled the "Upper Missouri Advertiser," which however lasted






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only a brief period and perhaps by this time was already defunct (Mackay, p.71). The "Evening and Morning Star" for the month of June 1833 contained an ill-advised article entitled "Free People of Color" in which persons of that class were invited to emigrate from Illinois and cast in their lot with the fortunes of Zion. It is apparent to those who have any familiarity with the sentiments that prevailed in a slave-holding state like Missouri that a firebrand of this kind would hardly fail to set matters aflame.

The press of the citizens' party speedily brought a direct public attack against the Saints in the form of a broadside that carried the caption, "Beware of False Prophets," which was raised to the importance of a campaign document and distributed from house to house (Mackay, p. 74). In addition the Mormons were insulted and misused wherever a convenient opportunity was offered, and neighborhood meetings were convened in different portions of Jackson county (Mackay, p. 74).

Finally on Saturday the 20th of July 1833, the excitement had been raised high enough to hold a public meeting at Independence that was attended by four or five hundred citizens. This meeting set forth an address to the people at large, and enacted a series of resolutions for the benefit of the saints exclusively. These declarations were of the following tenor:






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"Henceforth no Mormon shall enter the county of Jackson for the purpose of establishing a residence there; those now settled in the county must give a pledge of their intention within a brief period of removing beyond its limits, as the price of freedom from personal violence and business disaster; the "Star" newspaper must be closed immediately, and the business of printing within the county discontinued forever, and all other stores and shops belonging to Mormons must close their business and depart; the leaders of the party are required to employ their influence and authority to prevent any further immigration on the part of their brethren from other sections; violent measures would be employed in case peaceable representations should be found ineffectual" (Mackay, p. 75).
A committee consisting of the chairman and twelve of the most prominent members of the assembly were deputed to confer with the chief men of the Mormon society, for the purpose of making them acquainted with the tenor of the above resolutions, and receiving any reply which these might have to propose. Two hours later the gentlemen of the committee went forward and reported that they had performed the task assigned, and found that Messrs. Partridge, Phelps and Gilbert were unwilling to commit themselves without first enjoying an opportunity to consult the wishes of their brethren, both in the states of Missouri and of Ohio (Scraps, p. 77-8). This delay was considered to be unreasonable, and it was immediately resolved to give the






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Saints a taste of the seriousness of their purposes, by demolishing the "Star" printing office, which was also the residence of Mr. Phelps and his family, and taking possession of the press and materials. Phelps was wise enough to avoid showing himself, as also Gilbert and other prominent characters, but Bishop Edward Partridge and Elder Charles Allen unhappily came within the reach of the enraged multitude. They were both carried to the public square of the town and regaled with a coating of tar and feathers (Mackay, p. 76).

The meeting did not adjourn sine die; on the contrary it adjourned only until Tuesday the 23d of the month, for the purpose of again bringing the Mormon leaders to the test. This time they found them inclined to yield and to accept any terms that the citizens were of a mind to impose. The committee of citizens held an interview with Oliver Cowdery, W. W. Phelps, Wm. E. McLellin, Edward Partridge, Lyman Wight, Simeon Carter, Peter and John Whitmer and Harvey Whitlock of which a formal memorandum was committed to writing and reported to the body (Howe, pp. 142-3). The points agreed upon between the opposing forces were to the effect that the gentlemen whose names have been just now recited should each and all of them remove themselves and their families from the borders of Jackson county on or before the first day of the ensuing January; that they should employ their influence to induce all their brethren, likewise to remove as soon as possible -- one






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of them by the first of January and the other half by the first of April 1834; that they should resort to advice and all other means in their power to prevent any more of their society from entering the county; that Gilbert and his clerk John Corrill should be permitted to remain longer than the balance of the society for the purpose of winding up the business concerns of the society, provided that the former should sell out his present stock of merchandise without attempting to replenish it by means of fresh importation; that the "Star" was not again to be republished, nor any other press set up in the county; that in case they removed their families before the first of January 1834, it would also be permitted to Messrs. Partridge and Phelps to come and go at will in order to transact the business of their brethren, and that no violence should be exhibited as long as the Mormons appeared to be engaged in good faith upon the effort to execute the conditions of the above stipulations.

When the result here described had been achieved the citizens were content and tranquility was restored, each party looking forward to the first of January 1834 with anxious interest for the developments that might then or previously befall.

The first news that Joseph obtained of these hostile demonstrations is believed to have reached him by due course of mail at Kirtland on the 2d of August. He is conceived on that date to have received an account of the occurrences of the 20th of July, together






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with other items of interest from Zion, upon the strength of which he procured the revelation that is marked Section 97 in the edition of Orson Pratt. This revelation appears to indicate the prophet was not sorry to be informed of the trouble that had chanced to the men of Zion, for owing to the stubborn rebellion with which these had confronted himself and the "order of Enoch" in the months that had elapsed since his visit of April 1832, he felt that among them were many who "must needs be chastened" (D.&C., 97, 6). But there were other reasons besides the gratification of a vindictive passion, why Mr. Smith should be pleased to learn that Zion was brought low; the persecution which they were now called to experience would go farther to unite them to himself and his fortunes than any other agency that could be devised. In the midst of the enthusiasm which he was convinced it would arouse he replied to the threats of the citizens meeting of July 20th by quietly giving order for the immediate erection of the temple whose corner stone he had enjoyed the honor to lay at Independence in August 1831 (D.&C., 97, 10, 11). His agility is well displayed by the promise that if the faithful in Zion went about this enterprise with light hearts and accomplished it with speed, that the place would "prosper, and spread herself and become very glorious, very great and very terrible, and the nations of the earth would honor her, and say 'surely Zion is the city of our God, and surely Zion cannot fall, neither be moved out of her place, for God is there and






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the hand of the Lord is there, and he hath sworn by the power of his might, to be her salvation and her high tower" (D.&C., 97, 18-20).

Nevertheless it was of good uses to strike a blow against the rebels who had come nigh to accomplishing the ruin of the "church of Christ" only a few months before. Therefore he gives these to understand that they do not belong to the true Zion, which consists of the pure in heart alone, and that the afflictions of the place have flowed from no other cause than the wickedness of the people who had risen up against the Lord's anointed (D.&C., 97, 21-28).

Immediately after the occurrences that fell out on the 23d of July Mr. Cowdery was dispatched post-haste to Kirtland that he might give his chief a full account of them (Mackay, p. 77). He must have arrived about the 5th of August. When Mr. Smith had heard the whole story, he got a revelation for the 6th of August 1833 in which his tune was entirely changed (D.&C., Sect. 98). He was a born coward, though much inclined to play the bully when no peril was at hand. After listening to what Oliver had to communicate touching the fierceness and determination of the Missourians, he proceeded to discourse upon the boundaries that existed between the powers of his Theocracy and those of the civil state. The line that lies between church and state has often been debatable ground; it is not apparent that Joseph was able to cast any light upon the subject.






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He says to the distressed in Zion:

"And now verily I say unto Zion concerning the laws of the land, it is my will that my people should observe to do all things whatsoever I command them; and that law of the land which is constitutional, supporting that principle of freedom in maintaining rights and privileges, belongs to all mankind and is justifiable before me; therefore I the Lord justify you and your brethren of my church in befriending that law which is the constitutional law of the land; and as pertaining to law of man, whatsoever is more or less than these cometh of evil. I the Lord make you free, therefore ye are free indeed; and the law also maketh you free" (D.&C., 98, 4-7).
While his theocratical arrogance is in a measure veiled at this point, it is apparent that he regards and represents the church as standing far above the state. It could however, "befriend that law which is the constitutional law of the land," and so permit where it could not avoid such an evil as the existence of the state government. This was a concession of large dimensions for a Mormon to enact; and yet it would be entirely unsatisfactory to the citizens of Missouri, who would be exasperated when they perceived their state government to be patronized in such a lofty style. Besides it distinctly intimated that the church would not befriend the unconstitutional treatment that had been bestowed on its members in Jackson county. For the rest, Joseph counsels, for his brethren, patience and endurance. Their enemies had now come against them once, but they must be still and permit them to come the second and the third time, and omit to lift a hand for their






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own protection until they had begun to despoil them for the fourth time (D.&C., 98, 23-30). Even in that event it would be of merit to spare the enemy, but in case the brethren should cut them down they would be justified in the act (D.&C., 98, 31).

It was exceedingly prudent to impart such counsels; if the prophet had pursued an opposite course it would have been easily possible to stir the fanaticism of his followers to such an extent as to provoke disastrous reprisals. The conduct that was here advised was well calculated to win the friendship of the governor and of all the people of Missouri, who were not, like the citizens of Jackson county, directly concerned in the issues at stake.

It is believed that in this same meeting to which was promulgated the above revelation of the 6th of August, a decision was reached, in view of the recent destruction of the "Evening and Morning Star" at Independence, to replace it by the publication of the "Latter Day Saints Messenger and Advocate" at Kirtland (Mackay, p. 77). That was a chance which Joseph must have regarded with complacency. During the rebellion of the previous winter he had become sensible that Zion had been suffered to become too important; a check upon its power was eminently desirable, so that in case it should depose the prophet he might not be entirely without support and resources. With this purpose in mind he had collected about him the principal elders and entertained them in the improvised "school of the prophets" all winter.






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In pursuit of the same line of policy the "Council of High Priests" at that moment otherwise known as the "school of the prophets" were induced on the 23d of March 1833, to provide for the purchase of land at Kirtland, for the purpose of erecting that place into a "Stake of Zion" (Remy and Brenchley, vol. 1, p. 284), and on the 6th of May Joseph himself confirmed that transaction by making arrangements for the "work of laying out and preparing a beginning and foundation of the city of the Stake of Zion, here in the land of Kirtland" (D.&C., 94, 1). Likewise on the 4th of june 1833, he announces, "it is expedient in me that this Stake that I have set for the strength of Zion should be made strong" (D.&C., 96, 1).

The "school of the prophets" met at first in the upper story of the prophet's dwelling house (Lucy Smith, p. 207). On the 27th of December 1832 he obtained a revelation that a school house for their benefit should be erected (D.&C., 88, 119). By the close of the ensuing summer that enterprise was well advanced, and upon the testimony of Lucy Smith, the edifice was also designed for the accommodation of the few worshippers who still remained in Kirtland (Lucy Smith, p. 209). Indeed at the date when the order was given Joseph had no thought of ever requiring any other structure in Kirtland. But when his plans had been changed and he perceived the advantages of retaining the arcana of the church in Kirtland, Mr. Smith took the position that the aforesaid schoolhouse was not the structure that was designed in his revelation of December 27th, 1832, but






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that the house which had there been commanded was a far more important edifice. Accordingly, on the first of June 1833, he deftly changed front and said to his people:

"ye have sinned against me a very grievous sin, in that ye have not considered the great commandment in all things, that I have given unto you concerning the building of mine house, for the preparation wherewith I design to prepare mine apostles to prune my vineyard for the last time, that I may bring to pass my strange act, that I may pour out my spirit upon all flesh" (D.&C., 95, 3,4).
The believers were taken by surprise. They conceived that they were engaged in fulfilling the Lord's command in the erection of the schoolhouse, but they now perceived that they were in error. In a word the project to render Kirtland a sort of balance against the influence of Zion seemed to require that the former place should be distinguished by a larger house than the single room for the "school of the prophets." On the 6th of May 1833, he had also given orders for the construction "of an house for the Presidency, for the work of the Presidency in obtaining revelations, and for the work of the ministry of the Presidency, in all things pertaining to the church and kingdom" (D.&C., 94, 3). In addition to this there was to be erected "an house unto me for the work of the printing of the translation of my scriptures, and all things whatsoever I shall command you" (D.&C., 94, 10).






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It will be apparent that Mr. Rigdon's long felt hopes of remaining at Kirtland were in a fair way of being realized. The "House of the Lord," the "House of the Presidency" and the "House of the United order for Printing" would render Kirtland a centre which Joseph could not remove from and the Missourians could not despise.

Mr. Smith had not been content with the manner in which Phelps had performed his task as editor of the "Star" periodical. In the postscript of a letter under date of January 11, 1833, he had remarked to Phelps: "we wish you to render the Star as interesting as possible, by setting forth the rise progress and faith of the church, as well as the doctrine; for if you do not render it more interesting than at present, it will fall, and the church suffer a great loss thereby" (Tract, New Jerusalem, p. 11). Now that he had made arrangements to set up a printing press in Kirtland it would be desirable that the chief journal of the "church of Christ" should issue from that point. When the citizens of Jackson county put an end to the "Star," it was a kind service to Joseph in the struggle that was going forward to obtain an equilibrium between Zion and Kirtland. The latter would gain a not inconsiderable item by sending forth the "Latter Day Saints Messenger and Advocate." This is the earliest occasion in the history of the Mormon people where the term Latter Day Saints was employed. It referred to the antithesis that was believed to exist between the saints who flourished prior to the "great apostasy" that was given out






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to have commenced in the Fourth contury of the Christian era, and the Mormons who rose up just at the close of the fourteen centuries of darkness that had brooded upon the earth. The saints before the "great apostasy" were styled "Former Day Saints" (Lectures on Faith, vol. III, p. 26); the only saints who came after the "great apostasy" are the Latter Day Saints.

It must be remembered that Joseph had no very earnest sympathy with the faithful in Zion. He was suspicious of their loyalty and did not mind if they were slightly pummeled by the brawny fists of the Missourians. Moreover, there was no immediate occasion for action; by the terms of the treaty his brethren would not be required to depart from Jackson county before the first of January ensuing. Neither they nor himself had a thought that they would ever move at all. Accordingly it was toward the last of September 1833 before anybody arrived from Kirtland to assist the people of Zion in their straits (Scraps, p. 79). It was Joseph's duty to go in person, but his courage was hardly equal to such a venture; on the contrary he found it important that Sidney and himself should go on a mission to the east and north, notwithstanding the fact that he was never a lover of such work. The twain began their journey in September 1833; Harrison Burgess heard the prophet proclaim for the first time in his life in that month at Springfield, Erie county, Pennsylvania (Labors in the Vineyard, Salt Lake, 1884, p. 66). They were in no hurry,






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but chiefly intent to kill time; the 12th of October found them no farther away than Perrysburgh, Cataraugus county New York (D.&C., Sect. 100). On the 17th of October they arrived at the house of Freeman Nickerson, Mount Pleasant Canada (Lydia Knight's History, Salt Lake, 1883, p. 21). Remaining there eight days the prophet immersed fourteen people constituted "a branch," ordained Mr. Nickerson to preside over it, and on the 25th of October crossed lake Erie on his way back to Kirtland (Lydia Knight, p. 22). He arrived there on the 4th of November (Remy and Brenchley, vol. 1, p. 288, note). That night the hostilities that were progressing in Missouri for the first time became overt, by means of an attack upon the Whitmer settlement of Mormons in the western portion of Jackson co. (Early Scenes in Church History, p. xx).

It was hardly anything else than cowardice that prevented Joseph from going in person to Missouri for the purpose of supporting his afflicted followers. The enterprise of erecting the "House of the Lord," as the Kirtland structure was designated, was upon his hands, but it was of no such large consequence as the call that came from Zion. Before leaving home in September he had directed Orson Hyde and John Gould to undertake the mission which properly belonged to himself and Sidney Rigdon, and these arrived among the Saints in the latter part of September "with counsel and instruction from Brother Joseph" (Scraps, p. 78). So much concerned was Joseph for the safety of Hyde and Gould that he obtained a revelation concerning their






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welfare at Perrysburgh, New York, on the 12th of October: "Thy brethren, my servants Orson Hyde and John Gould, are in my hands, and inasmuch as they keep my commandments they shall be saved" (D.&C., 100, 14).

In pursuance of instructions which they had brought from Kirtland, Gould and Hyde advised the Mormons to present an appeal for redress and protection to his Excellency David Dunklin, the capable and worthy Governor of Missouri (Scraps, p. 79). Phelps and Hyde were selected to bear this petition; they delivered it in Jefferson City on the 8th of October (Remy and Brenchley, p. 288). Governor Dunklin received the envoys with courtesy, but pleading the momentary absence of his legal adviser, the Attorney General, he excused himself from immediately returning a formal answer (Scraps, p. 79). That reply was given on the 19th of October (Remy and Brenchley, p. 288), and was of much comfort to the Saints. His excellency advised the Mormons to go before the proper authorities and make oath that their lives were threatened, or they believed them to be threatened, averring that upon the receipt of this intelligence it was the duty of such civil officer to cause the offenders to be apprehended, and bind them to keep the peace. He did not feel entire confidence that the above expedient would fall out to satisfaction, but it was the ordinary method of proceeding and he considered it would be proper to make a test whether it were possible to execute the laws. If it should turn out to be impossible, the result should be reported to






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himself, when the way would be opened for other proceedings (Scraps, p. 79).

Pending these negotiations, the Saints had engaged the services of four eminent lawyers from the adjoining county of Clay, namely, Messrs. Wood, Rees, Doniphan, and Atchison, for which they paid a fee of one thousand dollars (Scraps, pp. 79-80). But the Mormon question had become a question of Missouri state politics. Governor Dunklin and his friends were thoroughly in favor of employing all the resources of the Commonwealth for the purpose of defending their civil and religious rights. On the other hand Lieutenant Governor Lilburn W. Boggs was a citizen of Jackson county (Mackay, p. 76), and it would be very pleasant for him to unseat Governor Dunklin and receive the succession at the next general election. His hatred of the Mormons was also intense and honest, and he had no scruples in pushing the issue against them to the fore. He believed he would be doing the state some service in case he was able to procure their expulsion from its territory. Consequently he is suspected to have directed if he did not incite the movements of the citizens' party (Remy and Brenchley, p. 291).

The compact which the citizens had made with leaders of the Mormons on the 23d of July, provided that one half of their body should quit the county of Jackson on the first of January 1834, and if that agreement was to be observed in good faith, it was time that the Saints were making preparations for the exodus. Instead of making






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ready to depart they were making ready to remain, and had enlisted the Governor and his adherents together with several eminent lawyers to render them all possible assistance to accomplish that intention. Lieutenant Governor Boggs, who now perceived it was time to act, if he would succeed in his project of overcalling Governor Dunklin, is believed to have given the signal to remove the restraints which had previously kept the citizens from inflicting violence. On the night of the 31st of October the ball was opened; a company estimated at about 150 men attacked the Whitmer settlement, situated twelve miles to the west of Independence, unroofed ten of the houses, maltreated the inmates, and carried terror to the hearts of the Saints (Early Scenes, p. 82).





 



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Chapter II.
Progress of the War.

The mob which attacked the colony designated as the Whitmer settlement on the night of October 31, 1833, were as cowardly and harmless as one could desire. Their temper was not in the least ferocious; they only designed to harry and frighten the people, whom they were afraid to encounter by the light of day. The dispossessed inhabitants of the Whitmer settlement proceeded early next morning to the settlement of the Colesville Branch, about three miles away at the Ferry of the Big Blue River, partly with a view to their own protection and partly for the purpose of guarding the mill of Newel Knight, which was the chief dependence of the brethren for meal and flour (Early Scenes, p. 82).

To appearance it was also the intention of the mob to assault the Saints collected at the mill on the night of the first of November, but finding that these were in readiness to award them a suitable reception the project was abandoned. Two scouts who drew nigh to inspect the situation, and sought to cover their business under the pretext of seeking laborers for hire were recognized and arrested, not however before one of them had obtained a chance to strike Mr. Parley P. Pratt a blow on the head with the weapon he carried in his hand (Early Scenes, p. 82).






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Foiled in their scheme against the peace and security of the Colesville Branch, the mob now turned to prowl about the country and arrest the faithful wherever they might perceive them to be unprotected; so that it became necessary for the Colesville Branch to send parties to the assistance of such as were reported to be in distress (Scraps, p. 80). One of these parties of relief consisting of seventeen men were encountered by a detachment of the mob and considerably worsted; several of their number were made prisoners at the deserted Whitmer settlement (Early Scenes, p. 82). The Mormons enraged by this reverse collected reinforcements, and again ventured to attack the marauders at the Whitmer settlement, at nightfall on the evening of the 4th of November (Early Scenes, p. 83; compare Remy and Brenchley, vol. 1, p. 289). The advantage in this combat remained with the Saints; they slew H. L. Brazeale a young lawyer of Independence and Thomas Linville (Scraps, p. 30; Early Scenes, p. 83), routed the enemy and chased them more than a mile. On their own side they suffered the loss of one Barber, "the first man in this dispensation who was martyred for the truth's sake," and Mr. Philo Dibble received a slight flesh wound, which disabled him for only a few days; he reports himself as being convalescent on the ninth day afterwards, so that he was able to dress himself and go abroad to witness the meteoric shower which fell on the morning of November 13th, 1833 (Early Scenes, pp. 84-5).






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Hitherto the people of Jackson county had not been thoroughly aroused, but when the tidings of the battle of the 4th went abroad, almost every man of them flew to arms for the purpose of avenging the blood of Linville and Brazeale (Scraps, p. 83).

While the events above recited were proceeding on the Big Blue River, twelve miles away, the people of Independence were likewise engaged in paying their respects to such of the Mormons as chanced to be domiciled in that place. They had sacked and razed the house of Phelps, the Lord's printer on the 20th of the preceding July; they now gave the same kind of attention to the Lord's store house, that was kept by Sidney Gilbert, the well known agent of Bishop Partridge (Scraps, p. 82). Deciding to take out a warrant of arrest against a certain McCarty, one of the citizens engaged in this project, they approached the officers of the peace only to find the authority of the law completely set at defiance; neither Justice Weston nor Justice Silvers would consent to act in the premises. Consequently two of the brethren were dispatched to Lexington with instructions to obtain it there; but while these were gone upon their journey, McCarty improved the time by causing a number of the foremost Saints to be cast into prison under the charge of false arrest. This fate chanced to Messrs. Gilbert, Phelps, McLellin, and apparently to Isaac Morley and John Corrill (Scraps, pp. 82-3). By the terms of the law of Missouri it was competent for the citizens






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of any county to arm themselves and parade for military duty within the limits of their own county; the people of Jackson county therefore did not require the commands of the Governor of the state before it would be lawful for them to organize the militia of the county (Howe, p. 175). At the suggestion of Lieutenant Governor Boggs they hastened to avail themselves of this privilege, by means of which what had just now been a lawless mob was converted into a lawful military organization (Remy, vol. 1, 289 and p. 291).

As soon as the Mormons outside of Independence heard of the imprisonment of their brethren in the town they resolved to go to their rescue. It must have been on the morning of the 5th of November when Lyman Wight, who had collected about his standard something like a hundred men showed himself within a mile of Independence, where he halted and sent forward for information. He speedily became aware that he was not confronted by the mob, but by the regular militia of Jackson county under the command of Colonel Pitcher, their lawful commander. Naturally perceiving that his brethren in the jail were not in such peril as had been reported, he kept his camp in the forest all the balance of the day. Thereupon Colonel Pitcher dispatched a message requiring Mr. Wight and his people to lay down their arms, inasmuch as they were bearing them against the legally constituted forces of Jackson county. It is likewise claimed that he assured Wight that in case his party surrendered their arms the militia under his






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own command would do the same thing, and peace would be restored. It is not clear whether that is true or otherwise, but Wight accepted the offer and surrered into the hands of Colonel Pitcher, fifty one guns, one sword, and one pistol, which were likely all the arms that appeared in his command (Scraps, p. 84). In case Pitcher assumed a definite obligation to disarm the Jackson county militia under his command, it is clear that he did not fulfill it, possibly for the reason that he was unable to control his troopers. No sooner were these made aware of the now defenceless condition of the Mormons, than they became much bolder than they had previously displayed themselves and began the labor of driving the unfortunates in all directions (Scraps, p. 84). Remy and Brenchley report the organization of what appears to have been a military commission, at Liberty in Clay county, perhaps at the instigation of Messrs. Rees, Wood, Doniphan and Atchison, the counsel of the accused, in which it was decided that Colonel Pitcher should be tried by court martial for this unmilitary conduct (vol. 1, 292). It is not reported whether any farther proceedings were had under that head; the name of Colonel Pitcher is not found in the lists of captains who rode to the Mormon wars in later years.

On the night of the 5th and 6th of November the Saints were everywhere in motion, some traveling in one direction, others another, but all intent on finding the nearest way to the borders of Jackson






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county, where they might hope to escape the rage of their pursuers. A portion of them took refuge to the southward in Cass county; others journeyed eastward into Lafayette county; others laid their path towards Ray county, lying north of the Missouri River, but the great body of the community entered Clay county, likewise north of the river adjacent to Ray. They were greeted with nothing that resembled a welcome anywhere except in Clay county. Those who settled in Cass, then styled Van Buren county, were speedily driven away and forced to seek shelter among their brethren in Clay (Scraps, p. 88). The case of those in Lafayette county was substantially similar (Mackay, p. 78); in fact the Mormons were highly unwelcome everywhere outside of Clay county. The reason for this difference in their reception is apparent; the favor they obtained in Clay was lawful interest on the fee of one thousand dollars which the brethren had bestowed upon Messrs. Doniphan, Atchison, Wood and Rees. These gentlemen had so assiduously manipulated the public sentiment of the community that the citizens of Clay were ready to extend open arms to their afflicted clients. They richly earned their retainer, and deserve to be mentioned with every mark of respect.

Reaching the Missouri River on the 7th of November several days were occupied by the Mormons in the labor of crossing over, and establishing themselves under temporary conditions for the winter season. The gentlemen who were of their legal counsel in Clay county appear to have immediately directed






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the minds of leading brethren to such measures as it would be proper for them to observe in order to get their grievances properly represented before Governor Dunklin, who had already committed himself in their favor. Messrs. Phelps, Gilbert and McLellin went forward and made affidavits setting forth the details of their usage at the hands of the people of Jackson county, and forwarded the same by private express to his Excellency, who immediately ordered that a court of inquiry should be convened in Jackson county, for the purpose of bringing the offenders to justice (Scraps, pp. 85-6). Meanwhile the Saints received distinguished edification from the remarkable meteoric shower that appeared on the morning of the 13th of November; it was almost universally interpreted in their own favor, as the judgment of Heaven against the sinners who had driven them forth from Zion (Remy and Brenchley, vol. 1, 292).

On the 21st of November, Mr. Wells, the Attorney General, sent a very satisfactory reply to the communication which at the probable suggestion of their counsel had been recently expressed to the Governor. This officer assured them that in case they wished to return to their homes the military force of the state of Missouri should be at their service for protection, and that in case they were disposed to organize their own people into military companies the Governor would issue to the said companies arms, in the place of those which






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[were] handed over to Colonel Pitcher (Remy and Brenchley, vol. 1, pp. 291-2).

Judge J. F. Ryland at that time presiding over the 5th judicial district of the state, likewise expressed himself in a similar strain, declaring in addition his purpose to "investigate the causes of the recent disturbance, and take steps to punish the guilty and screen the innocent" (Scraps, p. 86).

The excitement and confusion of the exodus was so great that it was inconvenient to send messengers immediately to acquaint the prophet with what had transpired. Lyman Wight and Parley P. Pratt were deputed for that service (D.&C., 103, 29); they arrived on the 25th of November (Remy and Brenchley, vol. 1, p. 293). Joseph was unprepared for such tidings; they were much too bloody for a natural coward like himself. Apparently for the purpose of gaining time he professed that he was not content with the accounts that had been conveyed by Pratt and Wight, and wrote seeking correct information and also for documents (Scraps, p. 88).

The white feather was so apparent that the faithful at Kirtland began to suspect the prophet was incompetent for the position he was holding. Possibly it was a too open suggestion of that color, which brought about the personal conflict between Joseph and D. P. Hurlbut, for which the latter had the prophet arrested on a charge of assault and battery, that was heard for the space of three days before a magistrate's court in the old Methodist church of Painesville






[801]



(Letter of James A. Briggs, counsel for Hurlbut, in New York Tribune, January 31, 1886).

Martin Harris also appears to have had his suspicions aroused to the effect that the prophet was inferior to his position. By consequence he began to relate a number of stories touching the drinking habit of Mr. Smith during the period when Martin was engaged as his secretary at Harmony New York in the year 1828; indeed he even went to the length of calling Joseph's inspiration in question affirming that himself knew what was contained in the Book of Mormon prior to its translation, while the translator was not so wise as that until after the work had been performed. Furthermore, Martin affirmed that Mr. Smith was not of suitable dignity for a prophet of the Lord, and in particular was a trifle fonder of wrestling and boxing than might well comport with his exceptional station (Remy and Brenchley, pp. 294-5).

In fact Mr. Smith got a notion that his life was in peril of assassination, and during the winter of 1833-4 caused a guard to be established nightly for the protection of it (Tullidge, Life of Brigham Young, Supplement, p. 9).

Finally however, on the 16th of December 1833, the pressure became too strong to resist; Joseph was forced to issue a revelation for the benefit of the distressed Saints of Missouri (D.&C., Section 101). This important document first appeared as a handbill that was printed at the






[802]



press of the "Latter Day Saints Messenger and Advocate," which was situated in the lane running westward from the "House of the Lord," and presided over by Oliver Cowdery as editor and Frederick G. Williams as proprietor (Howe, p. 147 and p. 230).

In this handbill, copies of which are related to have been sold for as much as a dollar apeice, Joseph represents that the Lord is engaged in punishing Zion for her rebellion and other acts of disobedience (D.&C., 101, 1-8; 39-42). He declares that the Lord has been slow to hear them because they have been slow to hearken to him (v. 7), which seems to indicate that Sidney and himself still remembered the cold reception which had been extended to the "order of Enoch" in April 1832.

Nevertheless the Lord will be merciful and Zion shall not be removed out of her place (vv. 9-21); by consequence he exhorts the different churches of his communion to continue the gathering towards Zion and her stakes (vv. 22; 63-69). These are also encouraged to send forward the pecuniary means required to purchase the whole of Jackson county and of the adjoining counties (vv. 70-75); therefore Sidney Gilbert should not sell his storehouse, nor should any others of the faithful alienate their private "inheritances" (vv. 96-101). The distressed brethren were instructed to offer petitions to the Judge, the Governor and the President, all of whom were duly warned of the disastrous results of neglecting to intervene (vv. 76-95); and by means of a parable Zion was






[803]



both reproved and assured of the approach of a military expedition, which should establish them in their homes and rights (vv. 43-62).

The court of inquiry which his Excellency, Governor Dunklin had so readily promised was delayed for a brief space at the request of the Mormons themselves, until they should be able to collect from their now scattered brethren such details of evidence as it was desirable to bring forward (Scraps, pp. 86-7). Having at length completed all the necessary preliminaries they signified that it would be agreeable if the outrage could at length be investigated in full. In reply to this intimation which was dated on the 6th of December 1833 (Scraps, p. 88), Governor Dunklin expressed his willingness to serve the Mormons to the full extent of his official authority. But that authority did not reach half as far as he fancied in the present instance; no sooner had the citizens of Jackson been made aware of the new posture of affairs than they fell into a sad rage against the constituted officials. The Governor's blood was up, and he was resolved to put the question to the touch whether the laws of the Commonwealth could be executed; in a letter dated the 4th of February 1834, he gave the refugees to understand that he would employ the power which the Constitution of the state reposed in his keeping to see that their wrongs were set right. Whenever it might enter their minds to resume possession of their homes in Jackson, he would be pleased to sustain the movement by force of arms. In closing this epistle he comforted the hearts of






[804]



the stricken wanderers by declaring that "Justice, though slow is sure" (Remy and Brenchley, pp. 292-3).

The chief Magistrate was upright and well disposed, but he did not quite comprehend the nature of the crisis that had come upon him; he believed that it was a simple, plain question about religious freedom, while in point of fact it was an issue somewhat strictly drawn between the civil government and a theocracy. The boobies of Jackson county were in a situation to impart valuable instruction to his mind touching this concern, in case he had not already become too much excited to give any heed to their representations.

On the first of January 1834 a conference was held by the Saints in Clay county, at which time it is possible that the people of Jackson returned the printing press which they had seized at Independence on the 20th of the preceding July. It was received, very naturally, with no kind of thanks, and another journal, the fourth in the progress of Mormon literature was started at Liberty, Clay county, under the style and title of the "Missouri Inquirer" (Remy and Brenchley, p. 292), which weekly dealt out blows against the persecutors on the opposite side of the river The time was getting ripe for the promised court of inquiry in Jackson county. Judge J. F. Rylands, circuit judge of the 8th Judicial District, received instructions from headquarters to proceed to Independence and preside over it in person (Scraps, p. 89.






[804a]



Messrs. Remy and Brenchley affirm that the people of Independence "allowed the banished Mormons to transfer as much as remained of their printing-press to Liberty, and paid them a few hundred dollars as an indemnity," which has been interpreted by more recent Mormon history after a fashion that is far less complimentary. The present version is that the mob of Jackson county "disposed of" the printing press to Davis and Kelly, a couple of the brethren, for the purpose of removal to Liberty (Handbook of Reference, p. 43). Mr. James Kelly whose name is mentioned in connection with this transaction was a broken down graduate of Trinity College, Dublin, who in later years was permitted to figure in the character of President of the University of Nauvoo (Bennett, p. 210).

The time was growing ripe for the promised court of inquiry in Jackson county, Judge J. F. Ryland, who was circuit judge of the judicial district in which Jackson county was at that time situated, received instructions to proceed to Independence and preside over the court (Scraps, p. 89). In the existing






[805]



condition of the public mind it was indispensable to send a body of troops to protect the court, and Captain D. R. Atchison, one of the Mormon counsel, was instructed to march his own company, the Liberty Blues across to Independence to render that service. These met the persons who were expected to present their testimony before the court, at the Missouri river, and guarded them to a point situated within a mile of Independence. The temper of the citizens was speedily perceived to be so threatening that Colonel Allen of Clay county was immediately commanded to send a detail of two hundred additional men to reinforce the Blues. On the 24th of February the witnesses entered Independence and found quarters for the night, but it was now evident to all concerned that the project of holding a court of inquiry was entirely impracticable. Mr. Wells, the Attorney General, and the Commonwealth's Attorney of the 5th District both waited upon the brethren and signified the fact that the Governor had surrendered and retired from the conflict (Scraps, pp. 89-90). In brief words, Lieutenant Governor Boggs was master of the situation; he had achieved a triumph which procured for him the honor of succeeding Governor Dunklin at the next election.






[805a]



Having failed to accomplish what they sought in that quarter, the Mormons next turned their attention towards the President of the United States. A petition was prepared and numerously subscribed, which together with a letter of appeal to General Jackson were forwarded to the seat of government. Another letter was directed to the Honorable Thomas H. Benton, the distinguished Senator from Missouri, who was supposed to have the ear of the Administration. Governor Dunklin also appears to have seconded the enterprise with his personal and official influence.

General Jackson turned over the petition and letter to one of his cabinet officers -- probably to Mr. Roger B. Taney, his Attorney-General, although Mormon sources affirm it was referred to Lewis Cass, the Secretary for War -- who reported that the case as it was then situated did not come within the jurisdiction of the Federal Government, and therefore that the President of the United States was not entitled to interfere. This line of policy was likewise pursued by the subsequent Administration of Martin Van Buren; under the American System no other course of action was possible to be pursued (Juvenile Instructor, Salt Lake City, vol. 11, p. 218).






[806]



Affairs remained in this unhappy posture during the months of March, April and May 1834, Governor Dunklin all the while writhing under the defeat which he had suffered at the hands of his subordinate in office. Finally in the month of June he was induced to believe that the question might be settled by peaceful means and so removed beyond the limits of state politics, in which event he would enjoy the satisfaction of having checkmated Mr. Boggs.

In a letter under date of June 6th 1834, he suggested to a prominent citizen of Clay county, the feasibility of purchasing all the lands owned by the Mormons in Jackson county, with a view to removing the crying grievance under which they were groaning (Howe, p. 174). To appearance the citizens of Jackson were shortly sounded for the purpose of discovering how they might be affected towards that scheme. They seized upon it with avidity; they would not endure the presence of the Mormons, but they were eager to do them justice as far as lay in their power. Accordingly they formulated propositions of the following tenor to be submitted to the Saints, namely:

That they would purchase all the lands that the Mormons owned in Jackson county, and likewise all the improvements which the Mormons might have erected on any public lands within the county, as these existed prior to the earliest disturbances between the people of Jackson and the Mormons, and also such as had been performed subsequent to that date; that the valuation of





[807]



said lands and improvements should be accomplished by three disinterested arbitrators to be chosen and consented to by either party; that twelve representatives of the Mormons should be permitted to accompany the arbitrators for the purpose of pointing out to them their lands and improvements, likewise such others of the Mormons as the said arbitrators might desire to consult regarding the business; that when the said arbitrators had reported the value of the lands and improvements of the Mormons, the people of Jackson county, would pay the sum assessed within a period of thirty days, together with a hundred per cent in addition; and that the people of Jackson county would also sell out their own lands and improvements to the Mormons on the same conditions (Howe, pp. 164-5).
The above propositions were carried to Liberty in Clay county, by a committee composed of Samuel C. Owens, Robert Rickman, Thomas Jeffries, James Campbell, S. Noland, Abraham McClellan, Thomas Hayden, sen., S. N. Nolan, John Davis and Richard Fristoe, who were fully empowered by the people of Jackson county to act in their name in this concern. A meeting for the purpose of considering them and hearing from the Mormons was convened at the court house at Liberty on Monday the 16th day of June (Scraps, p. 91). Judge Ryland was in attendance, possibly in the interests of Governor Dunklin, to do what lay in his reach to promote the settlement (Scraps, p. 91), as the friends of the Governor were apparently desirous of providing that the subject should not






[808]



by any chance be brought forward in the next political campaign. But Governor Dunklin was doomed to a second defeat, this time at the hands of his friends the Saints themselves. His hopes and interests were really shipwrecked on their plea of non possumus; it was impossible for them to Sell the Sacred Seat of Zion. Before that plea could be entered, however, it was necessary for a general meeting of the brethren to be held, which would require several days (Howe, pp. 165-6). Meanwhile tidings had already been conveyed to the crowd assembled at the court house on the 16th of June that Joseph Smith was on his way to Jackson county at the head of an army, who were expected to carry fire and sword to all the sinners of that district. The deliberations were therefore summarily broken off; the committee from Jackson county went home not to carry messages of reconciliation but to give the alarm to their fellow citizens and to prepare themselves to repel the threatened invasion (Scraps, p. 92).





 



[809]



Chapter III.
Conclusion of the War.

On Monday the 24th of February 1834, the same day on which Governor Dunklin signified his defeat, and informed the Mormons that it was impracticable to hold a court of inquiry in Jackson county, Mr. Smith sent forth his call to arms. It is possible that on the preceding day at their worship in Kirtland the hearts of the faithful had been lashed into a fine fury by the intemperate harangues of such "pulpit braves" as Rigdon. Joseph's cowardice had been already reflected upon with severity; the tameness of spirit displayed in his revelation of August 6th 1833, when the believers were writhing under the indignities that had just been inflected in July, was disappointing to many minds. The sufferings and injustice that befell in November 1833 had been received with so much indifference as to produce something like a rebellion on the part of Martin Harris, and perhaps of others besides. Now at length Joseph perceived that his station involved the necessity for decided action.

The revelation of February 24th was directed by the Lord to his "friends" (D.&C., 103, 1), which it is conceived had now become almost the technical name for the First Presidency (D.&C., 93, 45; compare 94, 1; 97, 1; 98, 1; 100, 1). The purpose of it was to enlighten the minds of the said Presidency so that they might "know how to act in the discharge of their duties






[810]



concerning the salvation and redemption of their brethren, who have been scattered on the land of Zion." The information was conveyed that the Lord had given a decree to the effect that the brethren should begin to prevail against their enemies from this very hour, upon condition that they should always be obedient to counsel (D.&C., 103, 5-10).

Joseph absolutely commits himself to the position that Zion should return to its inheritance in Jackson county (D.&C., 103, 11-4). He had tried the virtue of petitioning the judge the Governor and the President without effect; he now announces that the return is to be accomplished by "power" (103, 15). For the purpose of procuring a successful application of this "power," the Lord assured his prophet that he would raise up a man who should lead his people like Moses (103, 16-8). He therefore encourages to good courage for the angels of the Lord would go before the host and his presence also attend them (103, 19-20).

Inasmuch as Mr. Smith was about to commit the crime of high treason against the commonwealth of Missouri, he cautiously clothes his personality under the name of Baurak Ale, and the Lord instructs him by that pseudonym to collect the strength of his house to the land of Zion where they might avenge themselves up on their persecutors down to the third and fourth generation (103, 21-26).

Sidney was commanded to go to the East for the purpose of preaching






[811]



the new crusade, while Wight and Pratt the messengers who had come from Zion during the preceding November were instructed not to return to Missouri until they had procured an army of five hundred men, or, in case that were impossible, an army of three hundred, or at least one hundred (103, 29-34). The Saints were exhorted to beseech the Lord that his Holiness Baurak Ale might also accompany the expedition (103, 35); since it was possible that the smell of gunpowder might be abroad in Jackson county, Joseph was solicitous to leave open a loophole through which at the last moment he might escape from these perils.

On Wednesday, February 26th, the prophet and the other members of the Presidency left Kirtland for the purpose of collecting the forces that were provided for in the above revelation (Remy and Brenchley, vol. 1, p. 296), Parley P. Pratt and Joseph Smith were paired to journey in one direction; Lyman Wight and Sidney Rigdon laid their course towards the East; Frederick G. Williams and Hyrum Smith followed the wink of Mr. Smith elsewhere, and still a fourth couple Orson Hyde and Orson Pratt were employed for service in the enterprise (103, 37-40).

The absence of Joseph upon this expedition lasted about a month. He returned to Kirtland on the 28th of March (Juvenile Instructor, vol. 11, p. 218). He not only enlisted soldiers but also collected money to aid in meeting the expenses of the expedition (Remy and Brenchley, vol. 1, 296). It is probable that Sidney who it is conceived, went to New York and other states to the eastward was detained






[812]



somewhat later, but all parties had returned before the first of May, the date which had been established for the departure of the expedition (Wilford Woodruff, Leaves From My Journal, Salt Lake, 1882, p. 5). For several days prior to that time everybody at Kirtland was engaged in the work of preparation (Howe, p. 155). Wilford Woodruff says, "It was on the 26th of April, 1834, that I was first introduced to Elders Brigham Young and H. C. Kimball. When I first met Brother Brigham, he had his hands full of butcher-knives; he gave me one and told me to go and put a good handle on it, which I did" (Leaves, p. 5).

When the appointed day arrived very few of the warriors were in order. To make a beginning, Joseph dispatched the wagon train with about twenty men to guard it, to a point in Summit county called New Portage a stronghold of Mormon influence where they remained until the balance were ready to join them (Leaves, p. 5). Sunday the 4th of May was improved for the purposes of a distinguished oratorical display in the camp near Kirtland; both Rigdon and the prophet harangued the strength of the Lord's house to deeds of valor and endurance (Howe, p. 156).

On Monday morning the fifth of May Mr. Smith set forward with 85 men in his company (Leaves, p. 5). Before the time for breaking camp however a general meeting was called on Saturday the 3d of May, where business of considerable importance was transacted.

This business consisted in the addition of a clause to the official






[813]



name of the community (Howe, p. 156-7). Hitherto the official name had been "The Church of Christ," and they were vulgarly styled Mormons. It was desirable upon the present as in the case of every other military expedition, if possible to gain a march on the enemy. Though the telegraph was not heard of until several years later, it seemed likely that if the party allowed themselves to pass by the title of Mormons, tidings of their approach might by some kind of process be conveyed to the people of Jackson county, who would then be prepared to meet them in arms. Accordingly on motion of Mr. Rigdon it was resolved that in future the style and title of the society should be "The Church of Christ of Latter Day Saints." This kind of nomenclature was highly convenient for the reason that it supplied the designation of "Saints" or "Latter-Day Saints" for customary usage. The people were therefore instructed in case of foreseen inquiry during the progress of the long march to Missouri, to deny that they were Mormons, and to assert that they were "Latter Day Saints."






[813a]



The point should be kept in mind, however, that this form of nomenclature had been already several months previously to the date in question, adopted by the Saints; it was by this time in current circulation. The first instance of the use of it in an official document is believed to belong to the 17th of February 1834. On that day was organized the first High Council that ever existed in Mormon annals (D.&C., Section 102). Messers. Oliver Cowdery and Orson Hyde fulfilled the function of Clerks to this body and in their official records they designate the Mormon community as "the Church of Christ of Latter Day Saints" (D.&C., 102, title).

It would therefore appear that on Saturday the 3d of May, 1834, nothing more was designed by the meeting which has been mentioned than to confirm a custom that had become well established. Another instance of the official use of the designation "Church of Christ of Latter Day Saints" befell on the 17th of August 1835, at the great Conference that met in Kirtland for the purpose of confirming the Revelations that hitherto had been made public. Here it was considered appropriate to present a deliverance on the subject of Marriage, which it will be remembered has been expunged from all recent editions of the Book of Doctrine and Covenants that are published in Salt Lake City. In the first verse of this performance the church is once more formally designated as the "Church of Christ of Latter Day Saints" (D.&C., fourth European edition, Section CIX, 1).

Meanwhile the customary usage even of the leaders of the Hierarchy was not very firmly fixed. In the second of his well known






[813b]



letters to the "Latter Day Saints' Messenger and Advocate," Mr. Cowdery speaks of the church merely as "the church of the Latter-Day Saints" (Gospel Reflector, Philadelphia 1841, p. 140). Likewise Joseph Smith employs the same nomenclature about the same time (Gospel Reflector, p. 176).

Indeed so small was the stress that Joseph laid upon the additional clause that in his official revelations he was prone to resort to the style and title that had been current from the beginning and to content himself with the bare name of "Church of Christ" (D.&C., 107, 59).

It was not until the 26th of April 1838 that the clumsy designation "Church of Jesus Christ of Latter Day Saints" was first employed. The reason for this third addition to the name of the Mormon community must be sought in the rebellion which took place at Kirtland in the closing months of the year 1837. It will appear in due time that the recusants on that occasion were successful in establishing what they were pleased to claim was a "Pure Church." This "Pure Church" was likewise called by the name of the "Church of Christ of Latter Day Saints," and Joseph conceived that it would be unsuitable for his people to retain a title that was affected by his most deadly enemies. Accordingly he made haste to add the name "Jesus" to his church, and to bestow upon it the full and complete designation of "Church of Jesus Christ of Latter Day Saints" (D.&C., 115, 3).

It will therefore be seen that the Mormons have enjoyed three different names in the course of their history. Their first name, borrowed






[814]



directly from the Disciples of Christ, was the "Church of Christ." Their second name, which was worn from the 17th of February 1834 until the 26th of April 1838, was the "Church of Christ of Latter Day Saints." The third and last name adopted on the date just now mentioned and still maintained, is the "Church of Jesus Christ of Latter Day Saints." The brethren are reasonably proud of the circumstance that there "is not a church in all the world bearing the name of Jesus Christ, except the Latter Day Saints" (Compendium of Doctrines, p. 158). Apparently they have entirely forgotten the occasion which induced the prophet to make that last addition to the name.

Setting forward on his march Joseph arrived at New Portage on the 6th of May (Leaves, p. 5). On Wednesday the 7th, he organized the little army now numbered about 130 men all told (Leaves, p. 5). His literalism had not yet, as later, descended to the details of army life; instead of organizing the brethren in companies of tens and fifties after the fashion indicated in the Old Testament, he arranged them by companies of twelve (Mackay, p. 81), or as Howe reports by companies of fourteen (p. 158). Before the close of the expedition he had






[815]



considered the example of Jonathan (1 Sam, chapter 14), and found it of good uses to select an armorbearer in the person of his cousin George A. Smith (Mackay, p. 84). His armor consisted of a sword of rare device which had been supplied by the kindness of Mr. Wilford Woodruff (Leaves, p. 5); a couple of pistols which Howe says he had purchased at a credit of six months time (p. 159); a rifle and a mastiff. Howe likewise credits him with four horses, which were probably carried along for the advantage of scouts whom it might be prudent to dispatch upon reconnoitering expeditions.

The most important item in the organization of the army at New Portage on the 7th of May consisted of an arrangement by which Mr. Smith became the chief commissary of the party. In that character he took possession of the funds which each soldier chanced to keep hidden about his clothes that he might administer them for the benefit of all alike (Howe, p. 158). The result will show that this was not a fortunate






[815a]



arrangement; it left too much room for suspicion against the business integrity of the prophet. Discontent was speedily felt with reference to the character of the food that was supplied by the commissary and commander in chief. It is related that on one occasion he purchased twenty five gallons of honey and a dozen of bacon hams. These last were imperfectly cured, and it was not long until six of them were brought and laid down at the tent of Mr. Smith; the brethren were in a high state of commotion because their good money was employed to furnish them nothing but "dirty, stinking meat." Joseph caused one of the pieces to be cooked for his own use, and professed to find it sweet and palatable. He was a person of many resources; whoever took up arms against the prophet had need to be on his guard at every point (Juvenile Instructor, vol. 11, pp. 242-3).

On the 8th of May the army broke camp at New Portage for the heights of Zion, pitching their tents at night, where evening and morning at the sound of the trumpet they resorted to the voice of prayer and praise (Leaves, pp. 5. 6). All felt that the heavens had come nigher than usual. In his enthusiasm Martin Harris concluded to make a trial of the virtue of the promise that the Saints should "take up serpents" but with the evil result of receiving a bite which fetched the blood (Howe, pp. 158-9).






[815b]



It was well for the health of Martin that this was nothing but one of the large black snakes whose bite is known to be innocuous (Howe, p. 158). Another kind of serpent was encountered in considerable numbers whose bite would have been less salutary. In the revelation, that was issued on the 16th of December 1833, the prophet had permitted himself to describe some of the conditions of the Millennial season for which himself and his people then longed so ardently. Among other points it was declared that "in that day the enmity of man, and the enmity of beasts, yea the enmity of all flesh, shall cease from before my face" (D.&C., 101, 26).

Mindful of this utterance Joseph now took occasion to reduce it to practice by way of helping forward the Millennium. "On one occasion some of the brethren while pitching Joseph's tent, saw three rattlesnakes and were about to kill them; but Joseph told them to let them alone and not to hurt them. He then proceeded to explain to them what was right under the circumstances. He asked them how the serpents would ever lose its venom while the servants of God possessed the same disposition, and made war upon serpents whenever they saw them." Not many days elapsed until the fruits of this discourse could be observed in the camp of Zion.

Solomon Humphrey, who has been previously mentioned as a brother of Heman Humphrey of Amherst College, was really too old a man to undertake






[815c]



the labors of a foot journey of a thousand miles; but his faith was too fervent to permit him to remain quietly at Kirtland. By consequence he was one of the famous two hundred. Becoming very weary through the exertions of travel Mr. Humphrey one day laid himself down on the prairie to rest. The record says that "he soon fell asleep. At the time he dropped asleep he had his hat in his hand. When he awoke, he saw a rattle-snake coiled up between his hat and himself, and not more than a foot from his head. Just at this moment some of the brethren came up, and gathered around him saying "it is a rattlesnake, let us kill it"; but Brother Humphrey said, "no; I'll protect him; you shan't hurt him, for he and I have had a good nap together" (Juvenile Instructor, vol. 11, 242).






[816]



Arrived in the vicinity of the Illinois river, the army encountered some of the tumuli which had been cast up by the aborigines and opening an excavation in one of these their exertions were rewarded by the recovery of a skeleton, which Mr. Smith identified as that of Zelph a once famous warrior among the Lamanites. The faith of his followers in the truth of the Book of Mormon was highly confirmed by this kind of ocular demonstration.

Joseph had been instructed by the Lord that "his angel would go before them and also his presence" (D.&C., 103, 20). In order to sustain the credit of this prediction, he took occasion to assure the brethren in an address he delivered on Sunday the 25th of May, that he knew they had the presence of angels for he had seen them (Remy and Brenchley, p. 297).

But all was not peace and order within the camp of Zion; there was the customary amount of murmuring, and unruly spirits were abroad. Possibly as early as the 3d of June 1834 the cholera had made its appearance in some portions of the country. When the warriors halted for their midday meal on that day the prophet found a pulpit in one of their wagons and chode with them sore for their evil behavior, declaring that the Lord had communicated to him that a scourge would come upon them on that account (Mackay, p. 82).

After nearly a month of severe labor they had traversed the entire breadth of the states of Ohio, Indiana and Illinois; the 4th of June






[817]



found them on the banks of the Mississippi river in Pike county, Illinois (Mackay, p. 82). The 4th and 5th of the month were employed in crossing the river at Louisiana, Missouri; on Friday the 6th they resumed their march and on Saturday the 7th the army struck Salt River in Monroe county Missouri (Juvenile Instructor, vol. 11, p. 261). Here Joseph greeted a nest of adherents in what is designated as the Allred settlement, where they were joined by Hyrum Smith and Lyman Wight with another addition to the army who it is possible had been fetched from among the braves of Clay county to swell the hosts of the Lord, that now numbering two hundred and five men "all armed and equipped as the law directs" (Mackay, p. 84). Howe says the reinforcement that came forward under the lead of Hyrum Smith and Wight numbered only twenty men (p. 159). These had perhaps gone forward by the public stage from Kirtland and collected in much secrecy all the persons who could be immediately got in order for the fray.

Three days were passed in the Allred settlement, which the brethren improved by constant drill in the manual of arms and other duties of the soldier's avocation (Howe, p. 159). Lyman Wight, who had won his spurs last November by surrendering all the arms in his command to Colonel Pitcher, was here selected to perform the functions of "fighting general," since it was not in the nature of Mr. Smith to trust his precious person to the casualties of a combat at firearms (Howe, p. 159). The prophet also provided himself with the protection of a body-guard of 20 men (Mackay, p. 84), but with apparent unwillingness






[818]



to reply upon their mettle he resorted to the additional precaution of traveling in disguise, changing his dress frequently, and riding on different vehicles in the wagon train (Howe, p. 160). After a squabble with Wight, who must have felt contempt for the cowardice of his chief, regarding the best place of camping for the night (Howe, pp. 100-1), and perhaps other incidents inseparable from the cares of a military expedition the army of Zion began to approach the scene of disturbance about the middle of June 1834.

Their force was armed against the people of Jackson county, but on the 16th of June a promise was given by the heads of the party in Clay county that the army should not enter there until a reply was returned to the citizens of Jackson, who on that day had visited Liberty for the purpose of conferring with the Mormons touching the purchase of all the lands which the latter might possess within the limits of Jackson (Howe, p. 166). It is likely that messengers were straightway forwarded to the prophet to make him acquainted with this engagement. It was a useless labor; no power but main force could have dragged Joseph into Jackson county, with a mere bagatelle of 205 troops at his heels, where he would have been demolished with excellent promptitude and dispatch. But he was not displeased with such an excuse, and gladly turned his steps towards Clay county, where the bulk of his supporters were collected. These were armed as Gen.






[819]



Doniphan declared, and were told that "if they did not fight they were cowards" (Scraps, p. 92). On Thursday the 19th of June Zion's camp made its entry into Clay county (Stenhouse, p. 55), and took up a favorable position between Big and Little Fishing rivers.

Upon his arrival in Missouri, Mr. Smith had taken precautions, if possible to conciliate the Governor and to induce him to second the exertions of the army of Zion to gain possession of Jackson county; Orson Hyde and Parley P. Pratt had been deptuted to visit with him for that purpose (Stenhouse, pp. 54-5). But the prophet perceived that he reckoned without his host in that instance. It was a different matter to plead for justice to the Mormons, to what was now desired, namely that he aid them with an armed force to cut down his own fellow citizens and drive them away from their firesides. Governor Dunklin was likely as cold as an iceberg in this interview (Juvenile Instructor, vol. 11, p. 261). Indeed his Excellency appears to have taken steps in the opposite interest. The circuit judge, Mr. J. F. Ryland was present in Clay county, and at his insistence a delegation of citizens under the escort of Cornelius Gillium, who in the next Mormon war got the soubriquet of the Delaware Chief, went to the Mormon camp on Fishing River for the purpose of gaining definite information relating to the meaning of the movement in progress. It is more than possible that this action was taken under direct instructions from the Governor.






[820]



On the 21st of July 1834 Mr. Gillium went to "meet the Mormons under arms" as requested by Judge Ryland (Howe, p. 167); it is likely that he had in his command the company of seventy men who are mentioned by Newel Knight as having volunteered against Mr. Smith in the county of Clay (Scraps, p. 92). The committee which accompanied him was composed of Messrs. John Lincoln, C. R. Morehead, John Sconce, James H. Long and James Collins, all well known characters in Clay (Howe, p. 169).

It was apparent that there was some mistake regarding the revelation that Zion should be redeemed by force of arms. Orson Hyde and Parley P. Pratt were already returned to camp (Howe, p. 169), and had given assurance from Governor Dunklin that he had no intention of turning traitor against his own people for the purpose of joining his forces with those of the Mormons. The above delegation of citizens must have also brought assurances that unless the army of Zion immediately surrendered its hostile intentions his Excellency would summon the entire militia force of that section of the state to teach them a lesson concerning the madness of levying war without ample resources to prosecute war.

It may also be conceived that Messrs. Wood, Rees, Doniphan and Atchison, the Mormon counsel in Clay county, had embraced an occasion to signify to the prophet that he had made an egregious fool of himself, and that there was no chance of safety except in a hasty retreat. At least such a conclusion is suggested by the circumstance






[821]



reported by Philo Dibble that the leading men of Liberty were desirous for peace (Early Scenes, p. 86). In brief, the prophet found himself in the most critical crisis; a portion of the men of Clay county were already in arms in front of him; likewise a portion of the people of Ray county in his rear (Scraps, p. 92). The people of Jackson county had also gotten under arms and were crossing the Missouri river for the purpose of attacking him (Mackay, p. 84). A single word of defiance would have brought his entire camp to ruin and driven every Mormon from Missouri within a fortnight.

Joseph took in the situation with a degree of readiness that was much improved by his native cowardice. By consequence, when the committee of citizens who had come from Judge Ryland entered his camp between the two Fishing rivers, every word he gave them was oiled with butter. They stipulated that he should set down in writing a definite statement of his purposes, which was conceded in the following terms, as reported by Howe, pp. 167-9:

"Being called upon by the above named gentlemen, at our camp, in Clay county, to ascertain from the leaders of our men our intentions, views and designs, in approaching this county in the manner that we have: we, therefore, the more cheerfully comply with their request, because we are called upon by gentlemen of good feelings, who are disposed for peace, and an amicable adjustment of the difficulties existing between us and the people of Jackson county. The reports





[822]



of our intentions are various, and have gone abroad in a light calculated to arouse the feelings of almost every man. For instance, one report is, that we intend to demolish the printing office in Liberty; another report is, that we intend crossing the Missouri River, on Sunday next, and falling upon women and children, and slaying them; another is, that our men were employed to perform this expedition, being taken from the manufacturing establishments in the East that had closed business; also, that we carried a flag, bearing peace on one side, and war or blood on the other; and various others too numerous to mention. All of which, a plain declaration of our intentions, from under our own hands, will show are not correct.

"In the first place, it is not our intention to commit hostilities against any man or body of men. It is not our intention to injure any man's person or property, except in defending ourselves. Our flag has been exhibited to the above gentlemen, who will be able to describe it. Our men were not taken from any manufacturing establishment. It is our intention to go back upon our lands in Jackson, by order of the Executive of the State, if possible. We have brought our arms with us for the purpose of self-defence, as it is well known to almost every man of the State that we have every reason to put ourselves in an attitude of defence, considering the abuse we have suffered in Jackson county. We are anxious for a settlement of the difficulties existing between us, upon honorable and constitutional





[823]



principles. We are willing for twelve disinterested men, six to be chosen by each party, and these men shall say what the possessions of those men are worth who cannot live with us in the county, and they shall have their money in one year; and none of the Mormons shall enter that county to reside until the money is paid. The damages that we have sustained in consequence of being driven away shall also be left to the above twelve men. Or they may all live in the county, if they choose, and we will never molest them if they let us alone, and permit us to enjoy our rights. We wish to live in peace with all men, and equal rights is all we ask. We wish to become permanent citizens of this State, and wish to bear our proportion in support of the Government, and to be protected by its laws. If the above proposals are complied with, we are willing to give security on our part; and we shall want the same of the people of Jackson county for the performance of this agreement. --

We do not wish to settle down in a body, except where we can purchase the lands with money; for to take possession by conquest is entirely foreign to our feelings. The shedding of blood we shall not be guilty of until all honorable means prove insufficient to restore peace.
Joseph Smith, Jr.,
F. G. Williams,





[824]



Lyman Wight,
Roger Orton,
Orson Hyde,
John S. Carter. Clay County, June 21, 1834.
If the people of Missouri could have been made aware of the warlike intent of the revelation which Mr. Smith had issued at Kirtland on the 24th of February (D.&C., Section 103), they would have given no credit to a single word of all the fine sayings recorded above. Nothing could have restrained their fury; they would have swept the Mormons from their borders in a trice of time. But happily that revelation had not been published; it was still a document of private circulation.

But the Mormons knew the contents of it; these found it so contradictory to the paper that had been handed to the committee from Clay county that they were almost in a state of rebellion (Laboring in the Vineyard, Salt Lake, 1884, p. 66). Joseph had made peace with the people of Missouri; it was a much harder task to make peace with his own people. Serious as that enterprise might be he was engaged by many considerations to undertake it. He resorted to the customary expedient of revelation. The interview with the citizens of Clay appears to have begun just before night on the 21st of June; it perhaps lasted far into the evening (Early Scenes, pp. 85-6). On the morning of Sunday the 22nd of June Mr. Smith was armed with a fresh utterance of divine wisdom for the advantage






[825]



of his brethren (D.&C., Sect. 105). It did not come an instant too soon; they had marched as far as Missouri to fight under the banners of the Lord and they could not in the least comprehend this sudden change to a peaceful policy (Howe, p. 176).

Joseph was a person of splendid faculty for the government of large bodies of men, but in his whole career it is conceived that he has hardly produced a paper that was quite so able and adroit as the one which he here sent forth for the guidance of those "who have assembled themselves together that they may learn my will concerning the redemption of mine afflicted people" (D.&C., 105, 1). In explaining the reasons for the preposterous failure of this expedition to redeem the land of Zion he pointed in the first place to the transgressions of the brethren in Missouri (105, 2-7). These were full of evil, particularly in the circumstance that they had not kept his injunctions relating to the old Sandemanian notion of preserving an equality of pecuniary estate among the members of the church, and likewise with reference to the fact that they had refused to organize the infamous "order of Enoch" (105, 4, 5). A splendid triumph was celebrated at that point; Zion had rebelled against his authority on this score just two years before and now she was reaping the fruit of her obstreperous behavior; "my people must needs be chastened until they learn obedience, if it must needs be by the things which they suffer" (105, 6).






[826]



Reproaches were next directed against the conduct of the various branches of the church who were scattered abroad in different sections of the country; these had not come up to the help of the Lord against the mighty, and were not at present sending forward their monies as they should (105, 8). By consequence the elders were compelled to adjourn the date of redeeming the Lord's heritage (105, 9-10). The leaders of the church were specially excepted from any responsibility for the ugly catastrophe (105, 7).

Mr. Smith was fond of playing upon the idea of being "endued with power from on high" (Luke, 24, 49), which in his vernacular was always rendered "endowed with power from on high." This "endowment" had proved a talisman to work wonders by. He had held it up before the eyes of his people in January 1831 for the purpose of enticing them away from New York to Ohio; he had also employed it to lead them from Kirtland to Independence; he was now employing it to exalt Kirtland once more in the eyes of the faithful. The "House of the Lord" was progressing famously at Kirtland. They had builded it as far as the gable before the name of the society was altered on the 5th of May 1834; the legend affixed in that place signifies that it was "Built by the Church of Christ, 1834." Mr. Smith comforts the sorrowing company by the hope of an "endowment" in the Kirtland house, which must needs occur before the elders would be prepared to redeem Zion (105, 11-13). This was such an excellent bait that he dangles






[827]



it a second time before their gaze ere the present document was concluded (105, 33).

His next argument suggested that the Lord did not intend that his people should fight this battle; on the contrary Jehovah would fight it for them in person. The cholera was raging in the country, and this "destroyer" had been sent forth for the purpose of putting an end to the enemies who now polluted Jackson county (105, 15). Critics may smile at the methods of Joseph Smith, but not many of them would exhibit the same amount of ability in the difficult circumstances which at the present moment encountered him.

Another resource was to chide the "warriors" of the Lord's house, who had not responded to the call of battle as numerously as was expected; instead of five hundred no more than two hundred and five of them had enrolled their names (105, 16, 17). Blessings were liberally promised to this devoted company; they were informed that the offering they had made was accepted, and that the Lord had fetched them a thousand miles from home not to redeem Zion, but merely to effect a trial of their faith (105, 18, 19).

The expedition must needs be employed to promote the great project of "gathering" the hosts of Israel; as many of the army as could possibly compass it were therefore exhorted to abide in Missouri (105, 20-22). Howe reports that 150 out of 205 obeyed this summons, and established themselves among their persecuted brethren in Clay county (Howe, p. 162).






[828]



The Saints in Missouri were exhorted to possess themselves in patience, and to be more modest touching hitherto boasted gifts of the spirit, and shining prerogatives of the theocracy, so that their petitions to the powers in authority might be more favorably received (105, 23-25). Yet the project of conquest by armed force was not finally surrendered; on the contrary a policy of modesty was counseled merely for the purpose of softening the hearts of silly enemies until such period as Joseph and the elders might enjoy an opportunity to gather up the strength of the Lord's house. In the meantime, however, it was proposed to dispatch men of wisdom to purchase all the public lands in Jackson county, and such private lands as they could obtain, and then the armies of Israel would come forward to "throw down the towers of the enemies... scatter their watchmen, and avenge the Lord of his enemies unto the third and fourth generation of them that hate him." Nevertheless before this could be achieved the army must become very great and sanctified (105, 26-32).

Joseph was much edified by the experiment of the previous winter in the direction of a "school of the prophets"; his purpose was formed already to repeat it during the approaching winter. He had his private preferences relating to the individuals whom he would be pleased to see attend it. But individual distinctions were odious. In consequence he renewed a general distinction which he had perceived occasion to suggest in June 1833 (D.&C., 95, 5), between those who were "called" and those who were






[829]



"chosen." All persons were to journey from Zion to Kirtland for the benefit of the "endowment" promised there who chanced to be of the latter class, while those who were merely "called" should keep their stations in Missouri (105, 33-37).

As a conclusion of the whole matter he exhorted his followers to "sue for peace, not only to the people who had smitten them, but also to all people; to lift up an ensign of peace, and make a proclamation of peace unto the ends of the earth" (105, 38-41). This was a lame and impotent conclusion when one considers the lofty plans upon which the "camp of Zion" was conceived. It proved to be too violent a fall for the faith of numbers of the brethren, and these began to signify displeasure against their prophet.

Joseph was a favorite of fortune. At a most opportune moment on the night of the 23d of June the cholera, that fierce "destroyer" which he had foretold would devastate the homes of the men of Jackson county, kindly stepped into the Mormon camp for his own deliverance (Remy and Brenchley, vol. 1, p. 299). It turned away the minds of the skeptics there to the great topic of self preservation, and gave him a breathing spell. It goes without saying that he improved the incident for his purposes; it was represented that the cholera had entered the camp of Israel only because






[830]



the brethren were in rebellion against the peaceful will and word of the Lord as set forth in the above revelation. The prophet signified that in case his adherents would humble themselves and covenant to obey him the plague would be stayed (Stenhouse, p. 55).

On the morning of the 24th of June the camp of Zion were dispersed among the brethren of Clay county (Scraps, p. 93); Wilford Woodruff relates that he, with others, was received at Brother Burk's (Leaves, p. 6). This separation into small companies arrested the progress of the epidemic, and went far to arrest the mutinous proceedings of the malcontents.

Quiet being restored Joseph gave his mind to the labor of regulating the spiritual affairs of the church. The army was discharged by General Lyman Wight at Liberty (Labors in the Vineyard, p. 67). A conference was held just afterwards in the same place, where on the 3d of July 1834 was organized for Zion also, a "High Council," after the pattern of the one which had been organized at Kirtland on the 17th of the preceding February.

On Tuesday the first of July in company with a few friends the prophet had caused himself to be privately ferried across the Missouri river that he might once more have the joy to set his foot on the pleasant soil of Zion (Mackay, p. 85). It was much to his welfare that none of the citizens of Jackson county were made aware of the






[831]



distinction they were receiving at his hands. At the close of the day he returned to the Clay county side and to safety among his brethren.

Having completed all the arrangements which he considered were indispensable-among which one of the most prominent was likely the forming of a list of the favored names who should be "chosen" to visit Kirtland during the approaching winter for the purpose of attending the "school of the prophets" (D.&C., 105, 36) -- he took leave of the faithful on the 9th of July and set forward upon his return to Ohio (Mackay, p. 85).

Mr. Howe, who observed the progress of affairs from his perch at Painesville, and whose wife must have kept him informed regarding the internal affairs of the community, reports that after Joseph's arrival at home he encountered several very painful results of his expedition under arms to relieve his brethren in Zion. He declares:

There was a constant uproar among the brethren for three or four weeks, which only culminated in a sham trial of the prophet, wherein, as near as we can learn, he was judge, jury and witness; and as one of the brethren said, (very imprudently,) a more disgraceful transaction never took place. The prophet considered it a trying time with himself, and a point on which his future prospects turned. He accordingly put in requisition all his powers of speech and tact at deception, to cover his transactions and reclaim





[832]



his refractory followers. On one occasion he harangued and belabored them for six hours upon a stretch, and finally succeeded in restoring order with the loss of two or three members (Howe, p. 163).
This trouble was started on the 17th of May (Juvenile Instructor, vol. 11, p. 239). It had been renewed at Louisiana, Missouri, just after the camp of Zion had effected a crossing of the Mississippi river. Sylvester Smith, who occupied the dignity of High-priest (Howe, p. 161), and was likewise a member of the "High Council" of Kirtland (D.&C., 102, 34), was attached to the expeditionary force. The company over which Joseph had appointed Sylvester to be captain was the last to be ferried across the Mississippi. While marching to the place that had been assigned to them in the camp, Sylvester unwarily passed too near the ferocious mastiff, which Joseph kept about him for the better protection of his person. The beast growled in such a threatening manner as to arrest attention (Mackay, p. 82). Words were exchanged between the prophet and the priest, touching the occurrence, which were the occasion of additional personal alienation and the subsequent death of the dog (Howe, p. 161). Accordingly Sylvester pursued Joseph with all the resources at his disposal.

The first charge that he raised against him declared that Joseph was employed in "prophesying lies in the name of the Lord" (Mackay, p. 85). The basis upon which this indictment rested was the fact that on the 24th of February he had predicted the redemption of Zion through the agency of a military expedition and had signally






[833]



failed to accomplish the feat. That this prophecy was false might be perceived by the dullest faculty. It was necessarily very embarrassing to Mr. Smith. He could find nowhere any convincing reply to it; for if he held up the counter revelation of the 22d of June it would distinctly appear that one of these productions contradicted the other.

Sylvester's second charge affirmed that Joseph had been guilty of appropriating monies that did not belong to him (Mackay, p. 85). It is likely that in this instance reference was given to the conduct of Joseph at the organization of the army on the 7th of May 1834. It will be remembered that one of the leading items of that transaction was the surrender of all the money belonging to officers and men into the possession of Joseph (Howe, p. 158). When the army was disbanded in Missouri, it is possible that Mr. Smith did not return any of the money that remained over, but shrewdly retained it for his own uses. In order to cover up the meanness of this conduct he called upon the soldiers to remain in Missouri, so that they would not require the money to return to their own homes. About 150 of them gave heed to that summons, thereby providing a fat contribution to Mr. Smith's private exchequer. Fifty five of the troops, on the contrary, felt constrained to rejoin their families in the east; but Joseph was mean enough to permit even these to beg their way as best they could from the inhabitants of the country (Howe, p. 162). Sylvester






[834]



Smith is suspected to have been one of the parties thus shamefully abused; he would keenly feel the injustice of the procedure by means of which "the prophet and his leading men had plenty of money and traveled as other gentlemen do" (Howe, p. 182), while himself and others who were not in his graces were on the point of starvation and exhaustion.

This charge was likewise hard to meet; it is little wonder that Joseph should have found it annoying. The case between Sylvester and himself was likely tried out before the "High Council" of which they both were members. Mr. Joseph Smith's superior agility and steady practice in the arts of chicanery brought him the victory.

Possibly it was in connection with this ugly transaction that Joseph on the 29th of November 1834 made a vow that he would give tithes of all he possessed (Handbook of Reference, p. 45), on condition that the Lord should help him pay his debts and save his reputation in the sight of the world (Remy & Brenchley, 1, p. 300).




 



[835]



Chapter IV.
Changed Affected During the First Missouri War.

The changes that were effected in the constitution of the church during the first Missouri War are more important than those which related to its doctrines. The customary quarterly Conferences appear to have been suffered to go by default. The tenth of these was held on the 27th of December 1832. Another was due about the first of April 1833, but the "school of the prophets" was then in session and it was apparently neglected. There was something like a formal session of that school on the 8th and 9th of March, where a couple of revelations were bestowed (D.&C., Sections 90 and 91), and a bevy of elders who had shown a refractory disposition are believed to have been sent upon missions that their spirits might be "chastened" (D.&C., 95, 10). On the 6th of May the "school of the prophets" is conceived to have closed its performances, at which time it was honored with two other revelations somewhat in the nature of a school exhibition performance (D.&C., Sections 93 and 94).

The people in Zion had imitated Joseph and erected for their own advantage a "school of the prophets," over which Parley P. Pratt had the honor to preside. This arrangement could not well have been according to the liking of the prophet, but when he was made aware of what had occurred, he made a virtue of necessity and gave it his approbation (D.&C., 97, 3-6).






[836]



In connection with the house which Mr. Smith ordered to be constructed at Kirtland (D.&C., Section 95), it may be worth while to mention the peculiarity of his nomenclature in such matters. He was too good a literalist of the Old Testament variety to allow that there could be more than a single "temple." This designation he applied to the structure which he hoped to rear at Independence Missouri (D.&C., 57, 3; 58, 57; 84, 3-5). On the contrary he never awarded a title of so much pre-eminence to the pile at Kirtland; it was always designated as a "house" (D.&C., 95, 3-13). The same observation applies to the building that was commanded to be erected at the town of Far West, Missouri (D.&C., 115, 8-16), as likewise to that which was raised at Nauvoo (D.&C., 124, 25-42). Mormon writers speak of several "temples" that have risen up in the progress of their history (Compendium of Doctrines, pp. 301-303), but the prophet was of another wont; he speaks of but a single "temple."

The proposition to found a "temple" in Zion operated to a degree in the direction of breaking down the cherished project of consecration. In the first place, it was not possible to execute a provision of that color; in the second place, the vast majority of persons who were expected to contribute to the charges of the "temple" had nothing in the world to consecrate. Tithing was the only process by which these could be reached; it was therefore brought forward (D.&C., 97, 11) and enforced upon the attention of the faithful.






[837]



The Millennial craze was as active as ever during the period under examination (D.&C., 101, 23-34); its pendant the "gathering" was also, as usual, much insisted upon (D.&C., 101, 64-75).

The very serious difficulties which have been mentioned, between Mr. Smith and his adherents D. P. Hurlbut and Martin Harris, are believed to have fixed upon his mind a sense of the importance of erecting a general tribunal before which cases of that nature might be brought to hearing (D.&C., 102, 2). To meet this requirement the "High Council" was organized, consisting of Twelve Counselors, and presided over by the Presidency of the Church (D.&C., Section 102). Tribunals of the same sort might be convened at any of the other stakes of the church, but there was a right of appeal from their decision to the chief council at Kirtland (D.&C., 102, 24-9). It will be remembered that one of these was established in Clay county Missouri, just after the close of hostilities on the 21st of June 1834.

It has been shown how at the organization of the "church of Christ" the eldership was one and the same thing as the apostolate. But elders speedily became so numerous that the apostolate amounted to no distinction. The High priesthood was then organized for the advantage of the spiritual aristocracy, but by this time its ranks had likewise become overcrowded. At length Joseph considered it important to introduce a special apostolate and to limit its membership






[838]



to the number Twelve. This project must have been an occasion of common entertainment among the Saints as early as the 17th of February 1834; it is distinctly foreshadowed in the minutes of the body which set in order the "High Council" (D.&C., 102, 30-32).

The peril which threatened the "church of Christ" by reason of the iniquitous "order of Enoch," has already been described in detail. But Mr. Smith never surrendered that precious order; he could not perceive the propriety of building up so large a party without making ample provisions for himself and his family. When he had collected the "warriors" whom he expected to lead up to Zion for the purpose of delivering his afflicted brethren, his mind would be easily turned to the possibility that he might fall victim to the casualties of armed conflict; Joseph's thoughts were prone to run in such a channel. Prudence therefore suggested that he should set his house in order, and this labor was accomplished for himself and the leading brethren on the 23d of April 1834, by declaring a dividend for the benefit of the members of the "order of Enoch" (D.&C., 104).

Mr. Rigdon, Martin Harris, Frederick G. Williams, Oliver Cowdery, John Johnson, Newel K. Whitney and Joseph Smith, jun., were the persons chiefly honored in this distribution. Sidney obtained the dwelling house he occupied at the moment, and because he had served an apprenticeship that way at Pittsburgh, the tannery was likewise surrendered to him (104, 20-3). It is considered probable that the business






[839]



proceeded to such a pass that these properties were lawfully secured to him on the records of the county of Geauga (Howe, p. 227). Possibly Mr. Smith may have been equally as fortunate in procuring a legal claim to the lands that he assigned to his own share (Howe, p. 163). In the other cases however, the parties were awarded such real estate as they already legally possessed; the award may never have been legally executed in still other instances. It was a great piece of hypocrisy in connection with this business to employ the customary unctuous harangues in favor of the poor. Joseph was really making selfish provisions for himself and his family that these might flourish at the expense of those who had paid for the lands that he was obtaining, and yet he is not ashamed to declare as follows:

"It is my purpose to provide for my saints, for all things are mine; but it must needs be done in mine own way; and behold this is my way that I the Lord have decreed to provide for my saints, that the poor shall be exalted and the rich shall be made low" (D.&C., 104, 15, 16). It is not easy to understand how the poor should be exalted by the appropriation for his private advantage, what had been purchased with their hardly earned pennies.

The infamous "order of Enoch" had been organized for the benefit of aristocratic saints in Zion as well as in Kirtland. In the revelation of April 26th, 1832, Joseph had received into






[840]



its ranks four different residents of Zion, namely, Alam, Mahalaleel, Horah and Shalmanasseh (D.&C., 82, 11). It has never been signified to what parties in Missouri these titles were given; perhaps Mr. Smith kept that secret in reserve until he could make out which if any of the leaders would gladly join him in this shameful crusade against the property of the church. But for fear some of the brethren there should now stand up and claim for themselves a portion of the spoils, it was arranged that the "order of Enoch" at Kirtland should dissolve partnership with the "order of Enoch" at Zion. The Mormons in Missouri had been robbed of their estates and there was nothing left there to plunder; hence it was excellent policy to shake them off (D.&C., 104, 47-53). This latter motive was confessed; the step was taken for the "salvation" of the order in Kirtland. It also professed to be enacted for the "salvation" of the order in Zion, but it is hard to conceive in what way it would minister to their improvement to be thus summarily cut off from the resources of their more fortunate companions in Ohio (D.&C., 104, 51).

The order for printing was the earliest invention performed by Joseph for the purpose of procuring a share of the hard earned pennies of his followers (D.&C., Section 70). In the present period that order appears to be formally merged into the "order of Enoch for the benefit of the poor." The latter was now specially enjoined to give attention to the business of printing the new translation of the Scriptures, the Book of Mormon and the Revelations of Mr. Smith (D.&C., 104, 58-59).






[841]



But the union of the two orders was not complete at every point; on the contrary the order for printing was instructed to keep a separate treasury of its own that was designated as the "sacred treasury" (D.&C., 104, 60-66). It was designed to contain all the gains that might accrue from the process of printing the works mentioned above, and to be carefully guarded. Yet Mr. Smith exhibited his agility in getting possession of unappropriated funds by stipulating that the seal of the "sacred treasury" might be loosed by "commandment" as well as by the voice of the order for printing (104, 64).

The "order of Enoch" were likewise enjoined to establish a treasury for their special uses and advantage (104, 67-77), ingress to which might be obtained by the mere assertion of a member that he stood in need of the funds which chanced be preserved there (104, 72-75).

Joseph had much faith in the printing press, and looked forward to the period when Kirtland should become a centre whence should issue innumerable copies of the various sacred books of Mormonism. With reference to the divine light that by this process should be disseminated he invented a new name for the village, and as early as the month of April 1832 had denominated it Shinehah (D.&C., 82, 12-3). In prosecution of this conception, he took pains on the 6th of May 1833 to order the construction of a printing establishment at Kirtland which should exhibit the same dimensions and proportions






[842]



as the "House of the Lord" (D.&C., 94, 10-2; compare 95, 15-17). In keeping with the name Shinehah, that was applied to the village of Kirtland, were several other new words of Mr. Smith's invention. For example, Shinelah was the new word for the verb "to print" (104, 58), and Shinelane for the participle "printing" (104, 63). The squalid little printing office that was being constructed just behind the "House of the Lord" in the lane which led towards the west was honored with the designation of Laneshine house. Here Frederick G. Williams and Oliver Cowdery conducted the affairs of the "Latter-Day Saints Messenger and Advocate" (104, 29). The particular printing house which Joseph suggested in his revelation of the 6th of May 1833 (D.&C., 94, 10-12), was never erected; all the printing that was performed at Kirtland was executed in the Laneshine house, which it has been shown was christened from the circumstance that it was as a printing house that stood in a lane. It was erected by the faithful in the year 1834 (Tullidge, Life of Brigham Young, p. 80).






[842a]



To all appearance it was during this period that another constitutional change was enacted which in the winter of 1837-8 was not far from the point of effecting the overthrow of the prophet. On the 26th of February 1834, just before he left Kirtland to enlist the soldiers of the Camp of Zion, it was in his power to induce the High Council that had been organized on the 17th of the same month to raise him to the station of "Commander in Chief of the Armies of Israel" (Juvenile Instructor, vol. 11, p. 218).

During his absence it was important to have somebody who should be charged with the duty of presiding over the "Stake of Kirtland," and Mr. Oliver Cowdery is believed to have been now raised to that dignity, possibly with a couple of counselors such as had become customary in such cases.

Likewise when Mr. Smith was regulating the affairs of Zion after the Camp of Israel had been disbanded about the first of July 1834, it is suspected that he found it convenient to have David Whitmer preferred to the position of "President of the Centre Stake of Zion," with John Whitmer and W. W. Phelps as his pair of counselors. This arrangement succeeded as well as could be desired as long as Cowdery and Whitmer remained friendly to Joseph, but when they both became his adversaries, he perceived that they were able to employ the power that he had conferred upon them in a style to embarrass him. Then it became one of his foremost desires to get quit of President Cowdery and President Whitmer, a feat that was successfully achieved at a Conference held in the month of April 1838 (Handbook of Reference, p. 47).






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The only doctrinal utterances that belong to the period of the First Missouri War are to be found in the performance which Joseph delivered at what is conceived to have been the close of the first session of the "school of the prophets." They appear to have been presented in the character of a school exhibition display (D.&C., Sect. 93), and contain nothing that is new or decidedly different from what had been elsewhere suggested.

For example, it affirms that all of the Mormon believers had existed in a preceding state (D.&C., 93, 23). The same distinction is likewise accorded






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not simply to the brethren but to all other men (D.&C., 93, 29). It will be remembered that this doctrine had been advanced during the month of December 1830 while Sidney and Joseph were closeted in New York and engaged upon a translation of the first chapters of the Book of Genesis. A sufficiently circumstantial explanation of the doctrine of pre-existence has been set forth in Section the first, Chapter III, of the present Book, where the Swedenborgian elements of Mormonism are treated.

However, in the Mormon translation of the Book of Genesis the pre-existence of mankind is based upon Sidney's view of the relations that existed between the first chapter of Genesis and the subsequent chapters. In the present revelation Joseph appears to indulge a philosophical argument in favor of pre-existence. The consideration upon which he is conceived to base the "truth," and that as truth is eternal so they are enternal (D.&C., 93, 23-4). On the other hand the pre-existence of those who have not accepted Mormonism is argued from the circumstance that these possess "intelligence," which Joseph asserts to be eternal also (D.&C., 93, 29).

The materialism which was discussed in Chapter XIV, of the present Book (the Fourth) is again broached in the revelation of May 6th. Mr. Smith there says (D.&C., 93, 33): "For man is spirit. The elements are eternal, and spirit and element, inseparably connected, receiveth a fullness of joy."






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It is not supposed that this broad proposition was intended to embrace all kinds of matter, but only that portion of matter that enters into the composition of human bodies. Some of his followers were likely disturbed by the comfortless doctrine previously announced to the effect that "the resurrection from the dead is the redemption of man" (D.&C., 88, 16). They had their fears lest the soul would never be redeemed at all, but would be left in the state of separation forever, by reason of the fact that it might never be re-united with the same particles of matter in which it once had sojourned.

Joseph encounters that objection with the assertion as above that "the elements are eternal." This gave his supporters good hopes that their souls would not be left in a disembodied condition. Nevertheless he stands firmly to the former assertion, and in a different form reiterates it, as follows: "And when [the soul and body are] separated, man cannot receive a fulness of joy" (D.&C., 93, 34). Possibly these words might have been brought to the attention of Dr. Thomas a few years later when he was formulating the doctrines of his sect of "soul-sleepers" which separated from the Disciples of Christ under Mr. Campbell. Thomas gave a degree of attention to Mormon affairs, as may be shown by the fact that he was the author of a work entitled a "Sketch of the Rise, Progress and Dispersion of the Mormons" (Taylder, The Mormons' Own Book, p. 108, note).






 



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SECTION VI:

PEACE  AND  PROGRESS


Chapter I.
"House of the Lord" in Kirtland.

The earliest mention of a house for public assemblage in Kirtland falls out in the course of a revelation which relates to the organization of the "school of the prophets" (D&C, 88:119). At the date of this utterance Joseph is believed to have contemplated nothing else than the erection of a modest wooden school room, where his brethren might be conveniently bestowed. It has been shown that the school held its earliest sessions in the upper story of his own house. The school house in question was duly erected. Lucy Smith, a more than usually vainglorious old crone, lays claim to the honor of having completed the work upon it during the absence of Joseph on the Missouri campaign (Lucy Smith, pp. 209-212). but her reports are not above suspicion; Brigham Young testifies that after that date he worked on it during the winter of 1834-5 (Tullidge, Life of Brigham Young, p. 80).



Mr. Smith gave himself a degree of concern to prepare the minds of his brethren for the new entrerprise, before he would venture to obtain a commandment from the Lord enjoining it upon them. Lucy Smith relates that in a meeting held for the purpose of exchanging opinions touching the project many voices wewre heard in favor of a structure of hewn logs after the style of the above described school house, while others suggested the propriety of constructing what is commonly






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designated as a "frame" house. Joseph's scheme was far more ambitious; consequently he signified to the company that he had received from the Lord a plan for the house which would best meet his wishes in Kirtland (Lucy Smith, p. 213).

The scheme was in private so industriously prepared, that before the 6th of May the site of the projected edifice had been selected (D.&C., 94, 3); nay on that day both the printing house and the President's house were also brought forward (D.&C., Sect. 94).

On the first of June 1833, the believers were commanded to make no further delay; they must forthwith lay hands upon the work that had been discussed. Hyrum Smith, Reynolds Cahoon and Jared Carter were incontinently appointed to perform the labors that would be required of a building committee (D.&C., 95, 14; compare 94, 13-15). The earliest blow was struck on Saturday the first of June; on Monday the third of June the whole strength of the community was concentrated upon the task (Lucy Smith, p. 214). The corner stone was laid on Tuesday the 23d of July (Compendium of Doctrines, p. 302).

The progress of the enterprise was interrupted by many untoward circumstances, but it was prosecuted with commendable rapidity, considering the difficulties which beset the church at that period. From the fact that the legend on the eastern gable bears the name which was preferred by the organization prior to the third of May 1834, it is conceived that the edifice had been carried as high as the






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eaves some time in advance of that date. Moreover, Mr. Howe, who published his volume entitled "Mormonism Unvailed" in the year 1834, reports in that place that the house was already "nearly completed," a good while before he could have gone to press (Howe, p. 163).

A degree of discontent was occasioned by the circumstance that the "House of the Lord" should be situated upon a piece of ground that belonged to Mr. Smith. The land originally was the property of John Johnson, who had come up from Hiram to Kirtland and purchased a home. In the distribution of real estate that was made by the "order of Enoch" at the dividend that was declared on the 23d of April 1834, this home and farm were graciously awarded to Mr. Johnson, with the exception of certain lots that were reserved for the building of the various houses that had been projected, and for a small inheritance that should be accorded to Mr. Oliver Cowdery (D.&C., 104, 34).

But when Joseph went about to claim his own dividend from the "order of Enoch" he fixed his choice upon the "lot which is laid off for the building of my house, which is forty rods long and twelve wide, and also the inheritance where his father resides" (D.&C., 104, 43). Whatever may have been the meaning of the remainder of these transactions, it is clear that the lot in question was by legal process transferred to Joseph. Mr. Howe relates that the difficulty that was felt by the brethren on perceiving that aspect of affairs was obviated by changing the title deed in such a fashion as to secure the possession






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of the site for Joseph and his successors in the prophetic office (Howe, p. 163). The system of tithing after the letter of the Old Testament model, though several times suggested, had not yet been organized; Mr. Smith was therefore under the necessity of relying entirely upon the "uncertain resource of donation and voluntary contribution" (Compendium of Doctrines, p. 302). Pecuniary embarrassment resulted almost as a natural consequence. The first allusion to his debts occurs in the above-cited revelation of April 23d 1834, where an account of somewhat painful financial straits is supplied (D.&C., 104, 78-86). Possibly the debt which was then beginning to make itself felt had been growing up ever since the autumn of the year 1832, when Joseph, in company with Whitney and Gilbert had purchased somewhat heavily in the city of New York. But he recognized






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the absolute necessity of venturing still farther, in case he was going to continue the operations he was now prosecuting on the house. His language is as follows:

"Inasmuch as you obtain a chance to loan (borrow) money by hundreds or thousands, even until you shall loan (borrow) enough to deliver yourselves from bondage, it is your privilege; and pledge the properties which I have put into your hands this once, by giving your names by common consent or otherwise as it shall seem good unto you. I give you this privilege this once, and behold, if you proceed to do the things which I have laid before you, accordi